The Government of Guyana and major commercial banks have failed to provide any credible explanation for the closure of accounts belonging to candidates of the newly formed We Invest In Nationhood (WIN) party, including presidential candidate Azruddin Mohamed. The issue is perplexing as the actions of Government, the United States (U.S) and local banks.
In 2024, Mohamed, his father Nazar “Shell” Mohamed, and Permanent Secretary Mae Toussaint Jr. Thomas, a member of the People’s Progressive Party (PPP), were sanctioned by the U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) for their alleged roles in public corruption in Guyana.
On June 11, 2024, the U.S. State Department revealed that between 2019 and 2023, Mohamed’s Enterprise allegedly omitted more than 10,000 kilogrammes of gold from export declarations, dodging over US$50 million in taxes while bribing government officials to conceal the operation.
The statement further revealed that Thomas, while serving as Permanent Secretary to the Minister of Home Affairs, allegedly abused her position to grant favours to Mohamed’s Enterprise in exchange for cash and luxury gifts. Thomas remains a member of the ruling PPP.
More than a year later, the Government of Guyana has not initiated any investigation into how such alleged large-scale smuggling occurred, what documentation was falsified, or which state actors enabled it. No public inquiry has been launched. No official has been held accountable.
The Government of Guyana appears not to be interested in pursuing accountability in the allegations of tax evasion. Instead, it is using the U.S. sanctions as political cover to corral commercial banks into closing accounts on presumably false pretenses, all in an effort to discredit opposition candidates and drive fear into the electorate.
While the government remains silent, commercial banks including Demerara Bank, Citizens Bank, and Guyana Bank for Trade and Industry (GBTI) have taken action to freeze or close accounts linked to WIN candidates. These actions have been justified under the Anti Money Laundering and Countering the Financing of Terrorism (AML/CFT) laws, yet no specific legal provisions have been cited. Furthermore, it remains unclear how allegations of tax evasion and corruption translate into grounds for such severe financial restrictions, especially in the absence of any convictions.
Critical questions remain unanswered:-
i) Will these banks close the accounts of WIN candidates with mortgages or loans?
ii) Will supporters or voters of the WIN party also be targeted under a ‘principle’ of guilt by association?
iii) Have the banks closed Mae Toussaint Jr. Thomas’ account, considering she remains on administrative leave and continues to receive a state salary?
iv) What about other high-ranking PPP members and government officials closely associated with Thomas?Have their accounts been reviewed or closed?
PPP General Secretary and Vice President Bharrat Jagdeo has claimed that Thomas’ bank accounts have been closed. However, the banks have remained entirely silent on the matter, even though Thomas continues to be on the state’s payroll, receiving a government salary. The absence of clarity from financial institutions raises questions about whether the closures are being selectively enforced based on political convenience rather than legal standards.
Attorney General and Minister of Legal Affairs Anil Nandlall has also intensified political pressure. Referring to Azruddin Mohamed’s candidacy, he warned that if Mohamed is elected, he becomes part of the government and there are going to be repercussions. Yet Nandlall failed to identify what these repercussions would be or under which legal framework they would occur. Such statements, lacking clarity or legal basis, appear to be aimed at intimidating voters and manipulating the electoral process.
These threats followed remarks made by U.S. Ambassador to Guyana, Nicole Theriot, who stated that the U.S. is “deeply concerned” that Mohamed is contesting the September 1 General and Regional Elections. The Ambassador called the candidacy “problematic in multiple” ways without citing any violations of Guyanese law. Many Guyanese, including civic leaders and political observers, see this as an attempt to influence the outcome of the election in favour of the PPP.
In the United States, sanctions policy has been applied inconsistently. Sanctions have recently been lifted for countries like Syria and Myanmar. Yinon Levi, an Israeli settler accused of inciting violence and targeting Palestinian civilians, was sanctioned under the Joe Biden administration but later had those sanctions reversed under Donald Trump.
The inconsistency of international enforcement does not absolve Guyana’s leadership. The real failure lies in the Government’s refusal to act within its own borders. Despite oil windfalls and growing international scrutiny, Guyana’s leaders have not demonstrated the political will to uphold accountability and justice.
According to the U.S. Strategy on Countering Corruption, “Corruption saps economic growth, hinders development, destabilises governments, undermines democracy, and foments global instability.” Yet even under this framework, only the U.S. has taken meaningful steps. In contrast, the Government of Guyana has done nothing.
Until the Government takes decisive action to investigate and prosecute those responsible for public corruption, including those within its ranks, and until financial institutions apply the law equitably, Guyanese democracy will remain under threat. The issue is not just about sanctions; it is about a Government using them selectively as a political weapon, shielding its allies while targeting opponents, and enabling a system where accountability is applied not by principle, but by convenience.
