Dear Editor,
๐๐ค๐ง๐๐๐๐ฃ ๐ข๐๐ฃ๐๐ฃ๐ ๐๐๐๐ฃ๐ฉ๐จ ๐๐ง๐ ๐๐ก๐๐ฅ๐ฅ๐๐ฃ๐ ๐๐ช๐ฎ๐๐ฃ๐โ๐จ ๐๐ค๐ก๐ ๐ฌ๐๐๐ก๐ฉ๐ ๐๐ฃ๐ฉ๐ค ๐๐๐ก๐ก๐๐ค๐ฃ๐จ, ๐ฌ๐๐๐ก๐ ๐ฉ๐๐ ๐๐ฉ๐๐ฉ๐ ๐๐๐ง๐ฃ๐จ ๐ฃ๐ค๐ฉ๐๐๐ฃ๐ ๐๐ง๐ค๐ข ๐ฉ๐๐ ๐ฉ๐ง๐๐ฃ๐จ๐๐๐ง๐จ. ๐๐ฃ ๐ฉ๐๐๐จ ๐๐๐ง๐โ๐๐๐ฉ๐ฉ๐๐ฃ๐ ๐๐๐๐ฉ๐ค๐ง๐๐๐ก, ๐ฌ๐ ๐ฉ๐ง๐๐๐ ๐๐ค๐ฌ ๐พ๐๐ฃ๐๐๐โ๐จ ๐ ๐๐๐ฃ๐๐ฃ๐ ๐๐๐ฃ๐ฉ๐ช๐ง๐๐จ ๐๐ค๐ฃ๐จ๐ค๐ก๐๐๐๐ฉ๐๐ ๐ฉ๐ฌ๐ค ๐ข๐๐๐ ๐๐ค๐ก๐ ๐ฅ๐ง๐ค๐๐๐๐ฉ๐จ ๐ฌ๐ค๐ง๐ฉ๐ ๐ค๐ซ๐๐ง ๐๐$30โฏ๐๐๐ก๐ก๐๐ค๐ฃโ๐๐ฃ๐ ๐๐ญ๐ฅ๐ค๐จ๐ ๐ฉ๐๐ ๐๐ค๐ซ๐๐ง๐ฃ๐ข๐๐ฃ๐ฉโ๐จ ๐๐๐๐ก๐ช๐ง๐ ๐ฉ๐ค ๐๐ข๐ฅ๐ค๐จ๐ ๐๐ซ๐๐ฃ ๐ ๐๐๐จ๐๐ ๐ฉ๐ง๐๐ฃ๐จ๐๐๐ง ๐ฉ๐๐ญ. ๐๐ฉ๐๐๐ง ๐ฃ๐๐ฉ๐๐ค๐ฃ๐จ ๐๐๐ซ๐ ๐๐ก๐ง๐๐๐๐ฎ ๐๐ก๐ค๐จ๐๐ ๐ฉ๐๐๐จ ๐ก๐ค๐ค๐ฅ๐๐ค๐ก๐. ๐๐ค ๐ฌ๐๐ฎ ๐๐จ ๐๐ช๐ฎ๐๐ฃ๐ ๐จ๐ฉ๐๐ก๐ก ๐ฅ๐ง๐๐ฉ๐๐ฃ๐๐๐ฃ๐
When Canadian miner G Mining Ventures (GMIN) announced its latest takeover of G2 Goldfields, it confirmed two things. First, Guyanaโs nascent gold belt is positioning itself as a world-class mineral district. And second, once again, the biggest windfall from that promise will flow not to Guyana, but to Canadian investors.
The scale of the deal is staggering. With a US$2.2 billion buyout of G2, following a US$638 million merger with Reunion Gold Corp., GMIN now controls over 7 million ounces of Guyanese gold across a consolidated block in Region Seven. By the companyโs own estimates, production could exceed 500,000 ounces annually, and at gold prices above US$4,500 per ounce, the resource could carry a market value exceeding US$30 billion.
ย ๐๐๐ฉ ๐๐ช๐ฎ๐๐ฃ๐โ๐จ ๐จ๐๐๐ง๐ ๐ค๐ ๐ฉ๐๐๐จ ๐ข๐ช๐ก๐ฉ๐๐๐๐ก๐ก๐๐ค๐ฃ-๐๐ค๐ก๐ก๐๐ง ๐๐ค๐ง๐ฅ๐ค๐ง๐๐ฉ๐ ๐ง๐๐จ๐๐ช๐๐๐ก๐? ๐๐๐ง๐ค.
ย ๐ง๐ต๐ฒ ๐๐ฟ๐ฒ๐ฎ๐ ๐๐ถ๐๐ฒ๐ฎ๐๐ฎ๐ ๐ถ๐ป ๐ฃ๐น๐ฎ๐ถ๐ป ๐ฆ๐ถ๐ด๐ต๐
These transactions between foreign companies are perfectly legal under Guyanaโs outdated mining policy โ but they reveal a catastrophic failure of national stewardship. Because the assets were transferred through corporate share sales abroad, no transfer tax, capital gains assessment, or relicensing fee was triggered in Guyana. What should be a taxable transfer of national property becomes a paper shuffle in Canadian stock markets, invisible to our tax system.
Vice President Bharrat Jagdeoโs dismissive claim that โflipping cannot be preventedโ only compounds the insult. He knows this is not true. Itโs not that flipping canโt be regulated โ itโs that the government wonโt regulate it. And as a result, every ounce of gold under those concessions is effectively mortgaged to foreign traders before a shovel even hits the ground.
๐๐ผ๐ ๐ข๐๐ต๐ฒ๐ฟ ๐๐ผ๐๐ป๐๐ฟ๐ถ๐ฒ๐ ๐๐น๐ผ๐๐ฒ๐ฑ ๐๐ต๐ฒ ๐๐ผ๐ผ๐ฝ๐ต๐ผ๐น๐ฒ
Guyanaโs refusal to modernize its mining legislation contrasts sharply with the reforms embraced by other developing-resource states.
- Tanzania amended its Mining Act in 2017 to mandate state review and taxation of all changes in ownership of mineral rights, whether direct or indirect. No permit can change hands without ministerial approval and a transfer fee paid into the treasury.
- Ghana, once plagued by โlicense flippingโ in the Obuasi region, introduced a capital gains tax on mining share transfers and required any transaction altering control of a concession to be disclosed to the Ghana Revenue Authority. Even if deals occur on foreign stock exchanges, Ghana treats them as taxable local events affecting national assets.
- Zambia and Namibia have similar mechanisms, allowing the state to capture value through transfer duties or reassessment clauses when multinational mergers alter control of local mines.
- Even Suriname, right next door, includes โbeneficial ownershipโ provisions in its mineral agreements, giving the government the right to renegotiate or levy fees if controlling interests shift.
These examples debunk the Vice Presidentโs claim outright. Itโs not a question of possibility or legality โ itโs a question of political will. Other nations have done precisely what Guyana refuses to do: make the ownership of resources conditional on national consent and taxation.
๐ก๐ผ๐ป-๐ง๐ฟ๐ฎ๐ป๐๐ณ๐ฒ๐ฟ๐ฎ๐ฏ๐น๐ฒ ๐ฃ๐ฒ๐ฟ๐บ๐ถ๐๐: ๐ง๐ต๐ฒ ๐ ๐ถ๐๐๐ถ๐ป๐ด ๐ฆ๐ต๐ถ๐ฒ๐น๐ฑ
The simplest reform lies in rewriting the very permits that underpin every mining operation. Each mineral right or prospecting license should carry a non-transferability clause: no sale, merger, or share restructuring that results in a change of control may occur without official authorization. That authorization would automatically trigger a transfer tax or reassessment, ensuring the State earns its share when the value of its subsoil wealth appreciates.
This is not anti-investor policy. Itโs sound resource governance. Investors remain free to sell โ but they must contribute to the public purse when they profit off public property. The logic mirrors Guyanaโs oil regime where the government mandates signing bonuses and project-specific agreements before exploration rights change hands. Thereโs no reason mining should operate as a tax-free casino next door.
๐ช๐ต๐ฎ๐ ๐๐๐๐ฎ๐ป๐ฎ ๐๐ผ๐๐ฒ๐ ๐๐๐ฒ๐ฟ๐ ๐ง๐ถ๐บ๐ฒ
By refusing to act, Guyana is not just forgoing hypothetical revenue โ it is conceding control over the strategic tempo of its own extractive future. Each corporate โflipโ consolidates control of national assets in the hands of financial markets abroad. The gold in the ground remains physically ours, but economically, it has already been extracted โ monetized through offshore valuation long before the first shipment leaves Bartica.
GMIN touts its savings from โsynergiesโ โ more than C$1 billion saved through shared infrastructure and combined operations. Yet the very concept of synergy here is a corporate euphemism for offshoring efficiency and onshoring nothing. To date, not a single cent of those โsynergiesโ has translated into a measurable national benefit or added fiscal return.
๐ง๐ถ๐บ๐ฒ ๐ณ๐ผ๐ฟ ๐๐ต๐ฒ ๐ฆ๐๐ฎ๐๐ฒ ๐๐ผ ๐ช๐ฎ๐ธ๐ฒ ๐จ๐ฝ
No responsible government should allow its mining wealth to be flipped, merged, or carved up without a mechanism to capture value. The reforms required are neither complicated nor radical:
- Make all mineral permits non-transferable except through ministerial approval.
- Treat any corporate transaction that alters control of a permit-holder as a taxable event under the Income Tax or Excise framework.
- Require public disclosure of beneficial ownership changes and revaluation of mineral assets whenever mergers occur.
Guyana has entered an era where foreign investors view its subsoil not as ground to mine but as stock to trade. Until the State asserts its right to tax and regulate those movements, the country will stay locked in the role of spectator โ watching billions change hands while pretending it cannot intervene.
The argument that โwe canโt prevent flippingโ has become a convenient mask for governmental indifference. But it is not laws that are lacking โ it is leadership. If we continue to accept this passivity, the gold wealth of this nation will keep financing foreign balance sheets while Guyana inherits only the environmental clean-up and the illusion of progress.
๐๐ฉ ๐๐จ ๐ฉ๐๐ข๐ ๐ฉ๐ค ๐จ๐ฉ๐ค๐ฅ ๐ฅ๐ง๐๐ฉ๐๐ฃ๐๐๐ฃ๐ ๐ฉ๐๐๐ฉ ๐๐ค๐ง๐๐๐๐ฃ ๐๐ค๐ฃ๐ฉ๐ง๐ค๐ก ๐๐จ ๐๐๐ฉ๐. ๐๐๐ฉ๐ ๐๐ก๐๐๐ง ๐ฅ๐ค๐ก๐๐๐ฎ ๐๐ฃ๐ ๐๐ค๐ช๐ง๐๐๐, ๐๐ช๐ฎ๐๐ฃ๐ ๐๐๐ฃ ๐๐ฃ๐จ๐ช๐ง๐ ๐ฉ๐๐๐ฉ ๐๐ซ๐๐ง๐ฎ ๐จ๐ฅ๐๐๐ช๐ก๐๐ฉ๐๐ซ๐ ๐ฉ๐ง๐๐๐ ๐๐ฃ ๐๐ฉ๐จ ๐๐ค๐ก๐ ๐๐๐ง๐ง๐๐๐จ ๐ ๐ฃ๐๐ฉ๐๐ค๐ฃ๐๐ก ๐๐๐ซ๐๐๐๐ฃ๐. ๐ผ๐ฃ๐ฎ๐ฉ๐๐๐ฃ๐ ๐ก๐๐จ๐จ ๐๐จ ๐จ๐ช๐ง๐ง๐๐ฃ๐๐๐ง ๐๐๐จ๐๐ช๐๐จ๐๐ ๐๐จ ๐๐ฃ๐ซ๐๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ฃ๐ฉ.
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Map showing the Oko West and Oko-Ghanie and other mining properties.
Sincerelyย
Hemdutt Kumarย ย ย
