Four months after Guyana’s September 1 General and Regional Elections, the country remains without a constitutionally appointed Leader of the Opposition and a Chairman of the Region 10 Regional Democratic Council (RDC), raising concerns among political observers about a growing constitutional vacuum.
According to the final declaration by the Guyana Elections Commission (GECOM), the We Invest in Nationhood (WIN) party secured 16 of the 65 seats in the National Assembly, making it the largest non-governmental bloc in Parliament. Based on that majority, WIN has indicated that its leader, Azruddin Mohamed, is its nominee for Leader of the Opposition.
Mohamed was sworn in as a Member of Parliament on November 3, when the 13th Parliament convened.
Article 184(1) of the Constitution states that:
“The Leader of the Opposition shall be elected by and from among the non-governmental members of the National Assembly at a meeting held under the chairmanship of the Speaker of the National Assembly, who shall not have the right to vote.”
The A Partnership for National Unity (APNU), which holds 12 seats, and the Forward Guyana Movement (FGM), which holds one seat, have both signalled acceptance that the constitutional process should proceed and that Mohamed is the likely choice.
However, the process has not been initiated by Speaker of the National Assembly Manzoor Nadir, who was elected on the governing People’s Progressive Party/Civic (PPP/C) ticket and is constitutionally responsible for convening the meeting of non-government members.
Both Azruddin Mohamed and his father, businessman Nazar “Shell” Mohamed, are currently facing extradition proceedings. The matter is scheduled to be heard on January 6, 2026. Mohamed and his supporters maintain that he is exercising his constitutional right to due process and that Guyana’s legal system, grounded in common law, guarantees the presumption of innocence until guilt is established by a court.
Political analysts have argued that the PPP/C administration is using the existence of active court proceedings to delay or prevent Mohamed’s appointment. They point to public comments made by Attorney General and Minister of Legal Affairs Anil Nandlall and Junior Minister Kwame McCoy as evidence of political resistance.
Analysts further contend that the government’s position contrasts sharply with past precedents. They note that President Irfaan Ali, while serving as an Opposition Member of Parliament, faced 19 fraud-related charges, while Attorney General Anil Nandlall faced charges related to the theft of law books, and former minister Jennifer Westford faced theft charges while also serving in public office. In each case, the individuals retained their parliamentary roles and were afforded due process. Ali’s charges were withdrawn by the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) in August 2020 after he assumed office as President, Nandlall’s charges were similarly withdrawn by the DPP, and Westford’s case was dismissed by the court.
Observers question why Mohamed is being treated differently, suggesting the delay may be politically motivated rather than legally justified.
Beyond Guyana, analysts have also pointed to regional precedent, citing former Surinamese President Desi Bouterse, who was allowed to participate in CARICOM meetings and serve as CARICOM Chair despite being convicted in absentia in the Netherlands for drug trafficking and facing charges related to the killing of 15 persons in Suriname.
At the regional level, Region 10 has also been without an elected chairman nearly three months after the regional vote. WIN, which secured the highest number of votes in the region, was expected to assume the chairmanship. However, the election of a chairman resulted in a 9–9 tie between APNU’s Dominique Blair and WIN’s nominee Mark Goring.
The PPP/C government has since declined to allow the process to advance to a second or third round of voting, as provided for under regional democratic procedures. As a result, Region 10 continues to be administered by Deron Adams, who was elected chairman based on the 2020 General and Regional Elections.
Political observers warn that the prolonged absence of officeholders in both Parliament and Region 10 undermines constitutional governance and accountability, particularly at a time when Guyana is undergoing rapid economic and social transformation.
